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resurrectionsongJuly 02, 2004Confessions of a Bleeding Heart WarmongerThis is, unofficially, part of Hate Michael Moore Week--not because it is about disliking the monumentally rotund and unshaven filmmaker, but because it is related somewhat to his newest film. I was reading an article over at Reason this morning, and I came across Brian Doherty's piece on Fahrenheit 9/11. Doherty doesn’t reside on the same side of the political fence as me, nor is really anywhere near Michael Moore. Still, he has been consistently opposed to the war in Iraq and extremely critical of the Bush administration, but from the big L Libertarian standpoint, not the left wing, anti-Starbucks and globalization standpoint. I was curious to see what he would do with the Moore film. What he's written seems fair and reasonable to me--and his commentary on this acting as a sort of litmus test for political biases by revealing true colors on exposure seems remarkably accurate (and clever). Since he is kind enough to reveal his biases, allow me to state mine for the record: I am and was a closet isolationist and moderate Republican before 9/11, and pro-Afghanistan invasion and pro-Iraq invasion following 9/11. I'm generally supportive of Bush (and still plan to vote for him), but have found his Presidency to this point to be both disappointing at times and inspirational at times. I am convinced, though, that the only way to minimize the risks of terrorism coming from the Middle East is to see change come to that region--political and social change reflecting the desire for some level of liberalization that lurks under the surface in countries like Saudi Arabia and Iran. In regards to this film and this conversation, these are my beliefs. In Doherty's article, I came across something that makes quite a bit of sense to me, though.
I'm happy to mock Michael Moore, I'm happy to be dismissive of his lies and misdirection, but these are things that can't be brushed aside with a grin and a sarcastically partisan comment. No, these things deserve attention. We should all see the results of those things we support since we do bear some of the moral burden of those things forever. That is, in supporting the war effort and in urging others to do the same, I have to accept that I supported an act that resulted in the deaths of soldiers and civilians, that left homes and buildings in ruins, that left injuries and hurts that will never heal. I supported something that left children without their fathers, wives without their husbands, and families with their beloved brothers, sisters, sons, and daughters. I put my (meager, at least in the metaphorical sense) weight behind military actions that have absolutely and utterly devastated lives. And my heart aches at that. The thought of what is left in the wake of war is something that leaves me wanting to weep. As a person who supported the war, it isn't at all unfair to throw that in my face and ask for a response. That doesn't mean that the war was unjustified or that any of my arguments for the effort are suddenly stripped of their power, but that it exists as one of those many factors in decision-making--in deciding whether a country should or shouldn't go to war. I supported this war, in spite of an understanding that people would die and lives would be changed in horrific ways, because I believed that it would make the world a little bit better in the end. I believed that by helping to install a better government that respected rights to a level that most Middle Eastern countries do not, we would be helping to set the tone for a sea change in the politics that make up our relations with that part of the world. I had also hoped that it would make life better for Iraqis in the long run. I still cling to those hopes, and, as a person who has long paid attention to the tone of journalism in the region, I think some of those hopes are still reasonable. The talk of change and introspection in outlets like Arab News are of a nature and regularity that do indicate a change in the region--or at least the fear that change must come if those nations are to live without the fear of a long-term and wide ranging war that most of them seem to realize they cannot win. And life should be better for the Iraqis as a whole. What we've given them is a chance to build a government and a nation that will be prosperous and free. Whether that happens is an entirely different question--but with our continued help and support, I still remain optimistic. If these goals are reached, then the war did help to make the world a better place; if not, then it was either the wrong thing to do or it was a lost opportunity. As with the Cold War, though, the final analysis will have to wait for years and there are more battles to be fought. Some of those battles will be fought with guns and soldiers, some will be fought with diplomatic pressure, some will be fought with accountants and frozen bank accounts. There will be missteps, there will be successes, and there will be events that don't fall cleanly into either category--at least without the benefit of decades of hindsight. I support this effort and still believe in the cause, but that doesn't shield me from the mental weight of what it is that I support. And, no, there is nothing unfair about pressing me on the issue. Posted by zombyboy at July 2, 2004 08:17 AM | TrackBackComments
I'd like to thank you for your serious and courteous treatment of my post on Sudan, though the heart of the issue is the political power of the oil industry which stopped a very promising attempt to stem the killing two years ago in the Sudan Peace Act. My position on the use of violence is perhaps not as hard and fast as my words might have conveyed. I just think that all possible economic and diplomatic avenues, including the credible threat of force, should be pursued before armed force is pulled out of the bag. History indicates that violence is rarely an effective tool for creating predictable modifications to the behavior of governments and collectives of people. The side effects can be quite unpredicable, and, as you point out in the above post, the innocent always do the suffering. I am not a pacifist, just a student of history. I would like to very briefly take issue with one of your premises above. You indicate that if Iraq becomes a stable, prosperous and reasonably democratic nation, then the war would have been worth it. I would agree with that, but I strongly object to the assumption that this is the Bush Administration's purpose in Iraq. I don't think it is clear to many just what our strategic purpose in Iraq is; certainly, the Administration's explanation of it changes to suit political needs, which does not inspire confidence in their honesty. Not being honest with the public about stategic aims is a grave error. Obscuring you strategic goals from the populace is simply asking for a great deal of public doubt in a democracy. The same thing happened in Vietnam. People did not understand the strategic goals being pursued, and did not support those articulated out of convenience. We know that most of the justifications for the war are either grave errors or deliberate deception, depending on the depth of your skepticism. Besides perhaps the humanitarian argument, which in the case of Iraq was rather weak comparatively, there is no rationale for being in Iraq that does not lie in some hopeful future. This is a problem. Great nations, and experienced foreign policy teams, do NOT act in such a frivolous, pollyanna fashion. The most hardnosed and rational strategic purpose for invading Iraq is its location as a staging base for counter-terror operations and for projecting power to influence the flow of oil. The problem is that a reasonably democratic Iraq would not surrender so much of its soveriegnty to the United States as to allow us to base there and operate with the requisite degree of freedom. You can draw you own conclusions, as I'm sure you will, but the only reasonable conclusion I come to is that it is NOT the intent of the Bush Administration to allow Iraq to develop as a democracy. This is doubly confirmed by Iran's support and encouragement of the Shi'a majority. If we allowed a reasonably free political system in Iraq now, the only interests it would serve is Iran's. Thus, local elections were not held to build a base for democracy, as was done in ALL previous such nation-building projects. Thus, there was strong pressure to prevent the formation, and to keep legal control, of political parties. There will be elections in January, but they will not be free. As long as significant numbers of American troops are in Iraq, we cannot allow Iraq to be free - our troops would be asked to leave immediately if the government weren't hand selected to serve, or at least accomodate, our interests. The point is this: if you are waiting for legitimatation of this war in what WILL happen, I'm afraid you won't get it. The only legitimation available is in what HAS happened, and little of that has been legitimate. I certainly don't claim to have all the answers on this; some of the smartest people in the country are befuddled by this issue. I do know one thing, however, the justifications we have received for invading Iraq are facile rationales for action, not the real reasons for them. There is much more to say on the topic, but I'll work it out on my own blog :) Please come by, I'd be happy to see your comments any time. Posted by: Michael Bryan at July 23, 2004 05:29 PMPost a comment
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